Category: POLITY

Context:  Union government is planning to formulate National Policy to Promote GIAHS.

India has three Globally Important Agricultural Heritage Systems (GIAHS) recognized by FAO:

• Koraput region (Odisha)
• Kuttanad below-sea-level farming system (Kerala)
• Saffron Heritage of Kashmir

These sites preserve unique farming traditions that integrate biodiversity, community participation, and eco-friendly practices for food security and cultural heritage.

Key Policy Measures

• Government Support: Funding through schemes like Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojana (RKVY) and Mission for Integrated Development of Horticulture (MIDH).
• Biodiversity Conservation: Community seed banks, organic farming, landrace preservation, and branding of local products.
• Infrastructure & Research: Paddy infrastructure in Kuttanad, conservation of rice diversity in Koraput, and ecological research initiatives.
• Legal & Institutional Framework: Support from agencies like the Protection of Plant Varieties and Farmers’ Rights Authority and the National Biodiversity Authority.
• Local Empowerment: Training, capacity building, and community-led management of resources.

Strategic Focus

• Mainstreaming GIAHS into national policies and sectoral plans.
• Developing biodiversity databases, documenting traditional knowledge, and promoting agro-eco tourism.
• Enhancing climate resilience through landrace identification and biotechnology.
• Strengthening community participation with tribal knowledge, local seed banks, and farmer-led innovations.

Learning Corner:

Globally Important Agricultural Heritage Systems (GIAHS)

• Concept: An FAO initiative (2002) to recognize and safeguard traditional agricultural systems that combine biodiversity conservation, resilient ecosystems, and cultural heritage.
• Features:
  • Conservation of unique crop varieties and indigenous knowledge.
  • Community participation in sustainable farming.
  • Integration of food security, ecology, and culture.
• Significance:
  • Preserves traditional knowledge and agrobiodiversity.
  • Strengthens climate resilience and rural livelihoods.
  • Promotes eco-tourism and market access for local produce.

Source: PIB

Category: INTERNATIONAL

Context : U.S. Sanctions on ICC Officials.

The United States, under President Donald Trump, imposed sanctions on two judges and two prosecutors of the International Criminal Court (ICC) for pursuing investigations against Israeli leaders and U.S. officials over alleged war crimes. Secretary of State Marco Rubio called the ICC a national security threat, accusing it of politicization and overreach.

The sanctioned officials from France, Fiji, Senegal, and Canada were involved in cases linked to Israel and the U.S. Washington argued the move was necessary to protect sovereignty, though it may hinder ICC’s work on war crimes cases.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu welcomed the sanctions, terming them a defense against false allegations. The ICC condemned the decision as an attack on its independence and a setback for global justice. The court had recently issued arrest warrants against Netanyahu and others for alleged crimes in Gaza. Since 2021, its investigations have shifted focus from U.S.-related cases to crimes committed by Afghan officials.

Learning Corner:

International Criminal Court (ICC)

• Establishment: Created under the Rome Statute (1998); came into force in 2002. Headquartered at The Hague, Netherlands.
• Mandate: Prosecutes individuals (not states) for genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crime of aggression.
• Membership: 124 countries are parties; notable non-members include the U.S., China, Russia, and India.
• Jurisdiction: Acts only when national courts are unwilling or unable to prosecute. Can investigate crimes committed:
  1. In the territory of a member state, or
  2. By nationals of a member state, or
  3. Through UN Security Council referral.
• Structure: Composed of the Presidency, Judicial Divisions, Office of the Prosecutor, and Registry.
• Significance: Provides a permanent global mechanism for accountability in cases of mass atrocities; strengthens international justice.
• Criticism: Accused of political bias, selective justice (focus on African nations), lack of enforcement power, and non-universal acceptance.

Source:  THE HINDU

Category: SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY

Context: India successfully test-fired its Agni-5 missile from the Integrated Test Range at Chandipur, Odisha,

The Defence Ministry confirmed that the launch validated all operational and technical parameters.

Developed by DRDO, Agni-5 is classified as an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) with a range of around 5,000 km, designed to meet India’s strategic security requirements.

Earlier, on March 11, 2024, India had tested a MIRV-equipped variant of Agni-5, capable of striking multiple targets with independently guided warheads.

Learning Corner:

Agni-5 Missile

• Type: Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) developed by DRDO.
• Range: Around 5,000 km (can cover entire Asia and parts of Europe & Africa).
• Stages: Three-stage, solid-fueled missile with road and rail mobility (canisterized for quick launch).
• Warhead Capability: Nuclear-capable; latest variant tested with MIRV (Multiple Independently Targetable Re-entry Vehicle) technology (March 2024) for striking multiple targets.
• Significance:
  • Strengthens India’s credible minimum deterrence and No First Use (NFU) doctrine.
  • Enhances second-strike capability under India’s nuclear triad.
  • Boosts strategic security vis-à-vis China and beyond South Asia.

Source: THE HINDU

Category: POLITY

Context: The Uttarakhand Assembly, during a stormy Monsoon Session marked by opposition protests, passed nine bills in just two days.

Key legislations include amendments to the Uniform Civil Code (UCC), the Freedom of Religion and Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion (Amendment) Bill, and the Minority Education Bill.

• UCC Amendment: Stricter punishment for illegal live-in relationships; marriage registration period extended from six months to one year.
• Anti-Conversion Law: Jail terms of 3–5 years for forced conversions; up to 10 years in cases involving minors, women, or conversion by “allurement.”
• Minority Education Bill: Mandates all madrasas to affiliate with the state board by July 1, 2026, and fulfil conditions for minority status or face closure.

Learning Corner:

Uniform Civil Code (UCC)

Concept

• The Uniform Civil Code (UCC) refers to a single body of personal laws applicable to all citizens of India, irrespective of religion, gender, or community.
• It seeks to replace religion-based personal laws (Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Parsi laws) governing marriage, divorce, inheritance, adoption, and succession with a common set of secular laws.

Constitutional Basis

• Article 44 (Directive Principles of State Policy): “The State shall endeavour to secure for the citizens a Uniform Civil Code throughout the territory of India.”
• Not enforceable by courts, but provides a guiding principle for governance.

Arguments in Favour

• Promotes gender justice and equality (e.g., abolishing discriminatory practices like triple talaq, unequal inheritance).
• Strengthens national integration by ensuring equality before law.
• Modernises society by aligning laws with constitutional values.

Arguments Against

• Seen by minorities as interference in religious freedom (Article 25–28).
• India’s plurality and diversity may make a uniform law difficult to implement.
• Fear of majoritarian imposition of one community’s customs.

Judicial Stand

• Shah Bano Case (1985): SC upheld Muslim woman’s right to maintenance under CrPC, stressed need for UCC.
• Sarla Mudgal Case (1995): SC again urged for UCC to prevent misuse of personal laws.
• Courts have repeatedly highlighted UCC as a step towards true secularism.

Present Status

• No nationwide UCC yet; Goa is the only state with a form of UCC (Goa Civil Code).
• Recently, debates have resurfaced, with some states (e.g., Uttarakhand, Gujarat) initiating discussions on UCC bills.

Source: THE HINDU

Category: POLITY

Context: Home Minister Amit Shah introduced the Constitution (One Hundred and Thirtieth Amendment) Bill, 2025 in Lok Sabha.

It proposes changes to Articles 75, 164, and 239AA, dealing with removal of Ministers in Union, State, and UT governments.

Key Proposal

• A Minister detained in custody for 30 consecutive days or more on charges punishable with ≥ 5 years imprisonment (including corruption/serious offences) shall be removed from office by the President/Governor/LG on advice of the PM/CM.
• If released, they can return to office.

Rationale

• Ministers hold higher responsibilities than legislators.
• Presently, RPA, 1951 disqualifies legislators only after conviction (≥2 years imprisonment).
• But for Ministers, mere prolonged detention in serious cases can create a governance vacuum.

Legal & Constitutional Issues

• Presumption of innocence vs. governance integrity:
  • Police must file a charge sheet within 60/90 days → court decides on bail or trial.
  • Critics argue “being in custody for 30+ days” is not proof of guilt.
• Supreme Court precedents:
  • Manoj Narula v. Union of India (2014): No bar on appointing persons with criminal cases, but PM/CM expected to act with constitutional morality.
  • Lily Thomas (2013): Disqualification of legislators on conviction cannot be delayed.

Earlier Recommendations

• Law Commission (1999, 2004, 2014): Suggested disqualification at framing of charges for heinous/serious crimes to curb criminalisation of politics.
• But Parliament has not acted yet.

Learning Corner:

Removal of a Minister 

Constitutional Provisions

1. Article 75(2) & Article 164(2):
   • A Minister holds office during the pleasure of the President (Union) or Governor (State).
   • In practice, this means the Prime Minister/Chief Minister decides who stays in office.
2. Collective Responsibility (Art. 75(3) & 164(2)):
   • The entire Council of Ministers is collectively responsible to the Lok Sabha/State Assembly.
   • A Minister must resign if they lose the confidence of the House.
3. Disqualification by Constitution (Articles 102 & 191):
   • Minister ceases to be a member of Parliament/State Legislature if disqualified (on grounds like holding office of profit, unsound mind, insolvency, or allegiance to foreign state).
   • If a Minister is not an MP/MLA for 6 consecutive months, he/she cannot continue as a Minister.

Representation of the People Act (RPA), 1951

• Section 8 (Disqualification on conviction):
  • Conviction for certain offences (e.g., corruption, terrorism, heinous crimes) → disqualification from being MP/MLA.
  • Period: imprisonment of 2 years or more → disqualification during imprisonment + 6 years after release.
  • Supreme Court in Lily Thomas v. Union of India (2013) held that disqualification takes effect immediately upon conviction.
• Difference from Minister Removal:
  • RPA deals with disqualification as legislator, not directly as minister.
  • But since a Minister must be an MP/MLA (or get elected within 6 months), conviction under RPA indirectly leads to removal from ministership.

Source: THE INDIAN EXPRESS

Introduction (Context)

In a country of 1.4 billion people, every vote is important. But for millions of migrants from Bihar, their right to vote is quietly slipping away. 

A silent crisis is taking shape after the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, which suddenly removed nearly 3.5 million voters (about 4.4% of the total). 

These people were marked as “permanently migrated” simply because they were not found at home during door-to-door checks. As a result, they risk losing their voting rights not only in the states where they work but also in their home state.

Why are Migrants Excluded?

1. Administrative & Electoral Barriers

• Voter registration is linked to residence proof and physical verification by officials. Migrants, however, often live in temporary spaces such as slums, rented rooms, construction sites, or shared shelters, where formal documentation is either unavailable or not accepted.
• During house-to-house verification, migrants are frequently absent due to seasonal or long-term work outside their native villages. Their absence leads to their names being struck off the rolls.
• This creates a structural bias where migrants are seen as non-residents, even though they retain deep social, cultural, and political ties to their home states.

2. Host-State Resistance

• In the states where they move for work, migrants are often treated as outsiders.
• The fear among local populations and political parties is that granting voting rights to migrants could reduce local employment opportunities (framed as job competition) and may alter electoral outcomes in constituencies, especially where migrants form a significant share of the population.
• As a result, host states are reluctant to encourage voter registration of migrants. This discourages electoral inclusion at destinations, leaving migrants trapped between two states — excluded at both ends.

Instead of innovating solutions like remote voting or portability of voter IDs, origin states often take the easier route of deleting names of absent voters.

This shows how states fail to recognize circular and seasonal migration patterns, where people frequently return during festivals, elections, or off-season periods.

Evidence of Marginalisation

• The TISS–ECI Study (2015) identifies a triple burden — administrative barriers, digital illiteracy, and social exclusion — preventing a migrant from effectively participating in electoral processes. 
• The study found a direct link between high migration rates and low voter turnout in source states.

• Bihar: Average voter turnout in the last four Assembly elections was only 53.2%, the lowest among major states.
• Gujarat and Karnataka — States with fewer outbound migrants — reported an average of a turnout of 66.4% and 70.7%, respectively, in the last four elections.

This pattern shows that migration leads to systematic disenfranchisement, eroding the democratic participation of millions.

This may lead to risk of:

• Silent disenfranchisement of poor migrants.
• Further alienation of vulnerable groups.
• Weakening legitimacy of electoral outcomes.

Way forward

• India needs to move beyond the current residence-based voter registration system. A portable and mobile voter identity system should allow migrants to vote regardless of where they live.
• The practice of blanket deletions, like in Bihar’s SIR, must stop. Instead, voter lists should be updated through cross-verification with destination state rolls.
• The Election Commission can also pilot remote or online voting options, especially for seasonal migrants, so that absence from home does not mean loss of voting rights.
• Panchayats and local bodies should be given responsibility to track returning migrants and assist in their re-registration drives, bridging the gap between citizens and electoral authorities.
• The Kerala model of migration surveys, which regularly maps migrant movements, should be extended to high migration states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.
• Use of real-time tracking tools such as telecom data or Aadhaar-linked systems can help identify migrant populations and keep electoral rolls updated, reducing errors of deletion.
• Just like One Nation One Ration Card (ONORC) allows portability of food entitlements, political rights should also be made portable, so that migrants retain their right to vote wherever they reside.

Conclusion

Migrants represent a unique dual belonging — contributing economically to host states while retaining political identity in their home states. Rather than viewing this duality with suspicion, the state must reimagine India’s electoral framework to align with the realities of large-scale internal mobility. If this challenge is ignored, the country risks witnessing the largest silent voter purge in post-independence history — not of adversaries, but of its poorest citizens whose only pursuit is bread, dignity, and survival.

Mains Practice Question

Q Why are internal migrants in India often excluded from electoral participation? Suggest measures to make voting rights portable and inclusive. (250 words, 15 marks)

Source: India’s democracy is failing the migrant citizen – The Hindu

Introduction (Context)

Urban India has witnessed growing awareness and accessibility of menstrual hygiene products, rural India continues to lag behind. 

Millions of women still rely on unsafe practices such as using old cloth, which leads to health issues, school drop-outs and lack of participation in the labour force.

The consequences range from reproductive tract infections to untreated gynaecological complications, reflecting the persistent and widening inequities in menstrual health between rural and urban India.

Status of Menstrual Hygiene in Rural India

According to the National Family Health Survey – 5 (NFHS-%)

• Only 42% of adolescent women in India exclusively used hygienic methods during menstruation
• Variation: 23% in Uttar Pradesh to 85% in Tamil Nadu. 
• In Bihar, where over 88% of the population lives in rural areas, according to the Census of India 2011, uptake remains low: around 56% of rural women in Bihar use hygienic methods compared to 74.7% in urban areas. 

These disparities heighten vulnerability to a range of health risks. 

Causes of Urban–Rural Gap

• In rural households with limited resources, sanitary products are considered a non-essential luxury. The choice often comes down to buying food, milk, or other essentials versus sanitary pads.
• Many rural women do not have direct control over finances and must depend on male family members, making it harder to purchase pads regularly.
• Tribal and remote areas, women often have to travel long distances to access sanitary products, which discourages consistent use.
• Even when pads are available under government schemes, irregular supply and poor last-mile delivery prevent sustained access in rural communities.
• Many girls are unaware of hygienic alternatives due to absence of formal education on menstrual health in schools.
• Menstruation is still considered a taboo subject in many communities. Girls and women are discouraged from talking openly, which perpetuates misinformation and prevents behavioural change.

Impact of Poor Menstrual Hygiene

• Use of unhygienic materials like old rags or damp cloth increases exposure to bacterial and fungal infections.
• According to Dasra NGO, 23% of girls drop out after menarche due to lack of toilets, sanitary products, and fear of stigma. Girls who miss 4–5 days of school per month fall behind academically by nearly 25%, increasing chances of permanent dropout.
• Large-scale exclusion of women from education and workforce participation reduces India’s human capital productivity and GDP growth potential.

Example: Case of Juangs communities (Odisha)

• 85% women use old cloth during menstruation.
• 71% reported menstrual health problems.
• Only one-third seek medical help.
• Women excluded from religious and social activities during periods.

Policy intervention

• Menstrual health is increasingly recognised as a public health, human rights, and gender equality issue. 

Government Initiative – Menstrual Hygiene Scheme (2011):

• Launched to provide free sanitary pad distribution, awareness programmes, and safe disposal systems.
• However, the scheme faced serious disruptions during the COVID-19 pandemic, affecting access and continuity.
• Evaluation in Assam and Tripura (2017–2021): Consistent supply of pads improved hygienic practices. Among girls aged 15–19, sanitary pad usage rose by 10.6 percentage points, and overall adoption increased by 13.8 percentage points.

Civil Society Efforts:

• Menstrupedia (Startup, Gujarat):

• • Uses comic books in all Indian regional languages to spread awareness.
  • Reached over 14 million girls with accessible menstrual education.
  • Works with NGOs (e.g., We the Change in Kashmir) to combine awareness with pad distribution.
  • Emphasises that education is the most powerful lever to break stigma and ensure intergenerational change.

However, still challenges such as weak supply chains in rural/tribal areas and persistent social taboos remain.

Steps needed

• Menstrual health should be a part of adolescent health education to ensure girls and boys both learn about it in a scientific and stigma-free manner.
• Local NGOs, ASHA workers, and women’s groups can lead discussions to break cultural taboos and normalise conversations on menstruation.
• Government and private players should make pads, menstrual cups, and reusable cloth pads affordable, especially for rural and tribal women.
• Partnerships with self-help groups, women entrepreneurs, and rural cooperatives can ensure regular supply in remote areas.
• Separate, safe toilets with water supply and disposal bins in schools and workplaces are crucial for menstrual hygiene.
• Menstrual health should be treated as part of public health, gender equality, and poverty reduction policies, not just a welfare add-on.

Conclusion

Menstrual health is not just a women’s health issue but a human rights, education, and economic development concern. 

Bridging the rural-urban divide requires a multi-pronged approach combining affordability, awareness, infrastructure, and empowerment. 

Ensuring menstrual equity is essential to achieving gender equality and unlocking the full potential of India’s demographic dividend.

Mains Practice Question

Q Despite rising awareness in urban India, menstrual health remains a neglected issue in rural areas. Examine the causes, impacts, and suggest policy measures to bridge this rural-urban gap. (250 words, 15 marks)

Source: Why rural India is missing out on menstrual health progress – The Hindu